DAWN - education; 27 March, 2005

From: Subject: DAWN - education; 27 March, 2005 Date: Sun, 27 Mar 2005 12:09:06 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; type="text/html"; boundary="----=_NextPart_000_0000_01C532C5.C637F7F0" X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.2180 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_0000_01C532C5.C637F7F0 Content-Type: text/html; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: http://www.dawn.com/weekly/education/education.htm DAWN - education; 27 March, 2005


27 March 2005=20	Sunday =	16 Safar 1426=20

Please Visit our Sponsor = (Ads open in=20 separate window)

Welcome to a generous selection of articles from DAWN's = Education section.
This page is updated every Sunday. =

The=20 debate on madressah enrolment
English: = an=20 elitist language?
The = wrong=20 conclusions

The debate on madressah = enrolment

By Omar R. Quraishi

A recently released = report=20 funded by the World Bank and co-authored by an assistant professor = of=20 public policy at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government = has put=20 a very different perspective on madressah enrolment in Pakistan = than the=20 generally prevalent view.

Titled Religious School = Enrollment in=20 Pakistan: A Look at the Data, the report by Tahir Andrabi of = Pomona=20 College, Jishnu Das of the World Bank and (assistant professor) = Asim Ijaz=20 Khwaja and Tristan Zajonc of Harvard University takes a detailed = look at=20 the number of students enrolled in Pakistani madressahs, examines = their=20 accuracy and comes to the conclusion that the data sharply = contradicts the=20 figures quoted in the press on just how many students are enrolled = in=20 Pakistan.

It says that articles in various international=20 newspapers, including the Los Angeles Times and the Washington = Post, have=20 quoted figures for madressah enrolment in Pakistan that are much = higher=20 than what seems to be the reality. 'Religious School Enrolment in=20 Pakistan' argues that the over-exaggeration of the figures is on a = very=20 big scale. It also cites a report on madressah education by a=20 Brussels-based think-tank, the International Crisis Group, saying = that its=20 figure of 33 per cent for the number of students enrolled in = seminaries=20 was quoted in six of eleven articles that appeared in = international=20 newspapers as interest in this subject grew after September 11, = 2001.=20

The authors of the report say that given the sensitive = nature of=20 this issue, especially the link between the former Taliban rules = of=20 Afghanistan and seminaries and the current belief that such = institutions=20 are ideal breeding ground for extremists and terrorists, the issue = of=20 enrollment has surprisingly been given cursory treatment. Figures = have=20 been bandied about with little or no substantiation and in the = absence of=20 any verifiable data on actual enrolment figures.

"Given = the=20 importance placed on the subject by policy makers in Pakistan and = those=20 internationally, it is troubling that none of the reports and = articles=20 reviewed based their analysis on publicly available data or = established=20 statistical methodologies.

This paper uses published data = sources=20 and a census of schooling choice to show that existing estimates = are=20 inflated," the report says. The authors go on to claim that = enrolment in=20 madressahs in Pakistan accounts for "less than one percent of all=20 enrolment in the country and there is no evidence of a dramatic = increase=20 in recent years".

To closely examine and try to grasp the=20 estimates quoted in various newspaper articles and even in the ICG = report,=20 the authors say that when they examined school choice they could = find no=20 explanation that could fit the data. For example, one of the = reasons cited=20 to explain rising madressah enrolment is poverty or lack of other=20 schooling options.

The authors, however, found that the = data=20 showed that among households with at least one child in a = madressah,=20 three-quarters send their "second (and/or third) child to a public = or=20 private school or both". They say "widely promoted theories, among = them a=20 growing preference for sending children to schools, simply do not = explain=20 this substantial variation within households" in Pakistan. =

The=20 report's authors say that the data available on the subject shows = that=20 200,000 students are enrolled in madressahs full-time, a far cry = from the=20 33 per cent of total student enrolment as claimed by the ICG or = even a 10=20 per cent figure quoted in a recent Los Angeles Times article on = the issue.=20 Expressed as a ratio, the difference becomes even more stark, the = authors=20 say, pointing out that this means that a mere 0.3 per cent of all = students=20 between the ages of five and 19 are enrolled in a madressah.=20

However, since the enrolment rate for this age group is = estimated=20 to be 42 per cent, the number of students enrolled in a madressah=20 expressed as a proportion of total student enrolment between the = ages of=20 5-19 rises to 0.7 per cent, which is still a far cry from the kind = of=20 figures quoted in the international, and sometimes even national,=20 newspapers. The report also concludes that there was no evidence = of a=20 "dramatic increase in madressah enrolment in recent years. =

All=20 this is in sharp contradiction to published newspaper reports on = the=20 issue, a reason that the authors cite in their report for = undertaking the=20 study. For example, an article in the Washington Post in July 2002 = said=20 that as many as 1.5 million schoolchildren were enrolled in = madressahs in=20 Pakistan. Even the 9/11 Commission report quoted the same high and = unreliable figures when it discussed the issue of terrorism and = ways and=20 means to curb it by monitoring madressahs in countries like = Pakistan.=20

The authors of 'Religious School Enrolment in Pakistan' = further=20 state that even in areas bordering Afghanistan, where the = madressah=20 enrolment is said to be relatively higher, the number of children = in such=20 institutions is a mere 7.5 per cent of total student enrolment. =

In=20 fact, if anything, recent debate and discourse on the state and = quality of=20 education in Pakistan, the writers of the study argue, has = completely=20 overlooked another important development: the rapid rise and = availability=20 of mainstream private schools. The report says that Pakistan's he = report=20 does acknowledge that the country's "educational landscape" has = changed=20 "substantially in the last decade" but points out that this is due = to an=20 "explosion of private schools", something which it says has been = left out=20 of the debate on education in Pakistan. The authors do acknowledge = that=20 the country's "educational landscape" has changed "substantially = in the=20 last decade" but point out that this is due to an "explosion of = private=20 schools", a phenomenon whose impact has both been largely ignored = and=20 underestimated.

The ICG, whose figure of 33 per cent was=20 questioned by the World Bank-funded Harvard report, has come out = in=20 defence of its work. In fact, in a statement on its website, the = ICG has=20 accused the Harvard report of "juggling" numbers to prove its = point. It=20 says: "If the findings of this paper are to be taken at face = value, then=20 Pakistan and the international community have little cause to = worry about=20 an educational sector that glorifies jihad and indoctrinates = Pakistani=20 children in religious intolerance and extremism."

Clearly, = this=20 particular line of defence does not take away from the fact that = the=20 Harvard study is questioning the enrolment figure and is making a=20 reasonably good case of putting doubts over the figures that have = been=20 mentioned on this issue in the media. What the ICG has implied, = that there=20 is a correlation between madressah education and rising = intolerance and=20 extremism, might not be wrong, but that does not seem to be what = the=20 Harvard report's authors are saying.

The ICG said that the = report's main finding, that madressah enrolment is less than one = per cent=20 of all student enrolment between the ages of five and 19, is = "directly at=20 odds" with the education ministry's 2003 directory of madressahs, = which=20 says that the number of madressahs has increased from 6,996 in = 2001 to=20 10,430. It says that madressah organizations have put the figure = at 13,000=20 with total enrolment between 1.5-1.7 million. This is however not = an=20 official estimate, and the ministry's madressahs directory does = not quote=20 any exact enrolment figure either.

The ICG also quotes the = religious affairs minister to dispute the figure claimed in the = Asim Ijaz=20 Khwaja et al report saying that the minister had publicly said = that=20 madressahs were imparting education to 1,000,000 children. = However, no=20 substantiation has been provided for this figure, either by the = ICG or by=20 the religious affairs ministry. In fact, the government's failure = to press=20 ahead with the madressah registration drive means that official = figures on=20 enrolment and even on the total number of madressahs might be = misleading=20 and inaccurate.

The ICG response also came in the form of=20 criticism on the sources used by the authors of the Harvard study. = Calling=20 them (the sources) "questionable", the ICG said that the 1998 = census was=20 "highly controversial", that the household surveys were "neither = designed=20 nor conducted to elicit data on madressah enrolment" and that the = authors=20 had concentrated on rural areas, assuming that madressahs were = more a=20 rural phenomenon.

As far as the last point is concerned, = the ICG=20 does seem to have a valid objection because much of the rise in=20 religiosity and with it in madressah enrolment has been seen in = Pakistan's=20 urban areas, especially the larger cities. However, the ICG is = unable to=20 explain how it came to the conclusion in its own report on = religious=20 education in Pakistan that up to a third of total student = enrolment in the=20 country was in madressahs.

Specifically speaking, the = Harvard=20 report's authors say that they looked at articles and reports: = articles in=20 mainstream American and international newspapers; reports and = articles by=20 American and international scholars affiliated with international = think=20 tanks, institutes, and the government (including the 9/11 = Commission=20 Report); and studies by Pakistani scholars working in Pakistan and = abroad.=20

The report says that the sources for all these reports are = either=20 newspaper accounts of police estimates or interviews with = policymakers and=20 that not a single article tried to "validate these numbers using=20 established data sources". The analysis showed that there was = quite a vast=20 range for the enrolment figure - varying between 500,000 and 1.5 = million -=20 and that this lack of inconsistency was sometimes found in the = same=20 newspaper. The newspapers that were examined included the Boston = Globe,=20 Chicago Tribune, Financial Times, The Guardian, The Independent, = Los=20 Angeles Times, The New York Times, The Philadelphia Inquirer, The = Times=20 and the Washington Post from the period from January 2001 to June = 2004.=20

The report noted that even a document as seemingly = informed and=20 important for US policymakers as the report of the 9/11 Commission = made=20 sweeping generalizations on the madressah enrolment issue by = saying that=20 "millions of families, especially those with little money, send = their=20 children to religious schools, or madressahs". It also quoted a = senior=20 police official in Karachi as saying that in the city alone, = 200,000=20 children were studying in 859 madressahs.

Even the claim = that=20 "millions of families" send their children to such schools seems a = bit=20 far-fetched given that the number of household in the whole = country,=20 assuming a conservative estimate of six people per household, = would be in=20 the region of 25 million. The Harvard report also links the = probable=20 source for the inflated figures as two articles and the ICG = report. The=20 articles were by Jessica Stern in 2000 in Foreign Affairs, by = Jonathan=20 Singer in 2001 for the Brookings Institution, and the ICG report = published=20 in 2002. Stern said in her article that there were between 40,000 = and=20 50,000 madressahs in Pakistan while Singer put the figure at = 45,000, both=20 without quoting a credible source or any data.

The ICG = might be=20 right in its criticism of the Harvard study in that it seems to = overlook=20 the increasing popularity of madressahs in Pakistan's urban areas. = However, no substantiation is presented, other than reports = collected from=20 newspaper articles or quoting government or intelligence officials = (all of=20 these are uncorroborated by any official data), for the claim that = madressah enrolment is what the ICG or the international press = says it is.=20

It might be rising and it might be linked to the incidence = of=20 intolerance, bigotry and terrorism in this part of the world, but = how many=20 children are exactly enrolled in madressahs? Any conclusive or = definitive=20 answer to this question can be given only once the government = undertakes=20 its initially much-publicized and now much-delayed initiative on = the=20 registration of madressahs in the country.

Writer's = email:=20 omarq@cyber.net.pk

English:=20 an elitist language?

By Anniqua Rana

"It is difficult not to = hear in=20 Standard English always the sound of slaughter and conquest"- Bell = Hooks=20 in Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom.=20

Ironically, a language which for many represents = neutrality or=20 detachment is a language that for many others arouses a deeply = passionate=20 response. From immigrants learning English, to assimilate into the = culture=20 of the majority, to the millions of English speakers worldwide who = learn=20 the language to compete in the world markets, the feeling toward = the=20 language is both of resentment and of veneration.

Learning = one=20 language means acquiring its culture because language cannot be = separated=20 from culture. This gain is accompanied by the inevitable = transformation or=20 loss of certain aspects of the first language and culture. The = fear for=20 many, therefore, is that teaching one common language will create = a common=20 world culture. This will ultimately lead to a loss of the many = different=20 identities existing in the world creating instead clones of the = more=20 dominant identity of the English-speaking world.

Compared = to a=20 native speaker of English, those who learn the language will = consider=20 themselves inferior, and this feeling of inferiority is = intensified=20 because of the native speaker's feeling of superiority.

At = the=20 same time, those learning and using the language of power (in this = case=20 English) become part of an elitist group, who by virtue of = position or=20 education exercise power or influence over others in their group = who have=20 not learned English. Thus, because of the assumption that the = knowledge of=20 English is related to intellectual and social superiority, the = English=20 speaking group ends up in a position of power and influence over=20 non-English speakers. A linguistic hierarchy of power is created = with the=20 native English speaker on top, followed by the non-native speaker = of=20 English, leaving the non-English speaker at the bottom.

In = this=20 context, R. H. L Phillipson in his book Linguistic Imperialism = says that=20 "linguistic imperialism" is maintained when elitism associated = with a=20 language becomes entrenched in society. This happens when the = dominance of=20 one language becomes an accepted norm and the speakers of that = language=20 are assumed to have intellectual and social superiority that = ensures their=20 power and influence over others.

Non-native speakers, = especially=20 those who never acquire native fluency, are assumed by their peers = as well=20 as by native speakers as being intellectually deficient in some = way. The=20 manifestations of this elitist attitude toward English are = prevalent in=20 all aspects of life from educational institutions to businesses = and in=20 social situations. The international prevalence of this attitude = can be=20 found in English speaking countries like the US and UK, where = there is a=20 large immigrant population that speaks English as a second = language, and=20 in Pakistan and India, where English is the national language, but = is not=20 the first language of the majority.

An overview of the = history of=20 English in the subcontinent will help understand present-day = attitudes=20 toward this language including current trends and attitudes toward = English=20 language learning in Pakistan. Because of a shared history, there = is a=20 parallel to this in India. Even though both countries gained = independence=20 from British rule over fifty years ago, the indelible scars of = colonial=20 rule are evident in all aspects of society today, and most = profoundly in=20 the legacy of the English language and its intimacy with the = educational=20 system.

The foundation of this influence can be traced = back to the=20 seventeenth century with the arrival of the British traders in = South Asia.=20 A century earlier the Spaniards had arrived in South America = bringing with=20 them Catholicism and Spanish, inflicting much murder and mayhem on = the=20 indigenous people. The arrival of the British in South Asia was, = however,=20 different in that the initial group of traders became acculturated = to the=20 Indian culture.

As William Dalrymple records in his White = Mughals,=20 the first group of British traders become acculturated to the = Indian=20 languages, cultures, religions and ways of life. He describes the=20 relationship between Britain and India as thus: "Just as = individual=20 Britons in India could learn to appreciate and wish to emulate = different=20 aspects of Indian culture, and choose to take on Indian manners = and=20 languages, so many Indians at this period began to travel to = Britain,=20 intermarrying with the locals there and picking up Western ways." = That=20 being the case, by 1818 the British had virtual control over all = of India.=20

Ahmad Ali, in English in South Asia: A Historical = Perspective,=20 says that the British were divided into three "power groups". The = first=20 were the conservatives and included Warren Hastings, who was = interested in=20 implementing Indian traditions and languages in the education of = the=20 Indians. The second were the evangelicals, and who included = William Pitt.=20 Their emphasis was on proselytizing Christianity and teaching the = English=20 language to the locals.

The third group, Ali wrote, were = the=20 radicals. They denounced Indian traditions as barbaric, said they = were=20 based on superstition, and that they needed to be replaced by an=20 Anglicized worldview, for which English was to be used. =

Ali says=20 that the approach used by the radicals ending up creating a 'brown = sahib'=20 culture. He says that even he was forced to make a complete = transformation=20 in his way of thinking through language and education and his = outer=20 appearance through the clothes he had to wear. He wrote: "In the = process=20 of transformation from Indian to brown Englishman, I found I had = lost not=20 only my freedom, but culture and identity as well, and had become = an exile=20 in my own country."

When a few bold writers decided to = publish a=20 collection of literature in Urdu, Ali being amongst this group, = the book=20 was banned and the writers were identified as communists and were=20 blacklisted. Later, when Ali wrote Twilight in Delhi in English in = 1940,=20 it was accepted by the critics and the British government as a = modern=20 Indian creating an interpretation of India for the Western world,=20 replacing Forster and Thompson. Ali chose English intending to = reach a=20 larger audience so that the latter could understand the Indian way = of=20 thinking.

For the majority of those subjugated to colonial = rule,=20 English represents colonization and oppression, but it is = imperative for=20 technological, political and financial power. The power of English = was=20 known to those fighting for India's freedom from British colonial = rule,=20 and is still acknowledged by those competing in today's global = market.=20

Pakistanis are faced with this dilemma today. As Anjum R. = Haque=20 writes in The Position and Status of English in Pakistan: "English = has=20 become the language of knowledge; it is the language of the = biggest=20 reservoir of information, knowledge and literature known in = history." She=20 also mentions the decline of the English language in Pakistan over = the=20 years. In anticipating the future of English in the county, she = predicts=20 increasing need for English in science and technology since = "thirty=20 percent of Pakistan's GNP is related to international trade".=20

English is and will continue to be a necessity for = Pakistanis. In=20 a country where the majority speak Punjabi, and the national = language is=20 Urdu and over a hundred other languages are used on a regular = basis, the=20 status of English as a language of power and elitism reflects not = only the=20 current global attitude toward the language, but also the complex=20 paradoxical relationship between the colonizer and the colonized.=20

"If their wealth did not set them apart, their ability to = converse=20 in English certainly did," wrote Bapsi Sidhwa in her novel The = Crow=20 Eaters. One could say this sums up the general attitude toward = English in=20 Pakistan.

The writer is an assistant professor of = English at a=20 college in California, US.

The=20 wrong conclusions

By John Sutherland

Lawrence Summers' = January=20 nonsense continues to bubble away, although it looks as if the = president=20 of Harvard may survive - at least until the media spotlight has = moved and=20 he can be shuffled out without the newspapers noticing the dagger = sticking=20 in his back.

At a closed symposium of the National Bureau = of=20 Economic Research, Mr Summers accepted an invitation to talk=20 "provocatively" about his university's position vis-a-vis = diversity. He=20 was, Mr Summers told his audience, speaking "unofficially". =

His=20 discussion on diversity would, he announced, be narrowed down to = one=20 topical issue: women's representation in tenured positions in = science and=20 engineering at top universities and research institutions. =

Mr=20 Summers went on to think the unthinkable. Fair enough. But he made = the=20 mistake of thinking aloud. The truth was "unfortunate", he = concluded.=20 Reviewing the "data" he felt obliged, as a conscientious social = scientist,=20 to believe that in submitting to their "legitimate family desires" = women=20 could not, as readily as men, conform to their (putative) = employers'=20 "current desire for high power and high intensity". =

Secondly, Mr=20 Summers concluded, there was "continued discrimination". Old = prejudices=20 die hard. In fact, they don't die at all: they just get better at=20 disguising themselves. And, unlike the president of Harvard, they = are=20 nowadays canny enough not to express themselves "provocatively". = The whole=20 point about glass ceilings is that you shouldn't be able to see = them.=20 Thirdly, and clinchingly, there were, Mr Summers suggested, = "issues of=20 intrinsic aptitude".

If he wanted to provoke, Mr Summers=20 succeeded, particularly with his "intrinsic aptitude" comment. He = has been=20 attacked, ridiculed, threatened with campus rebellion and forced = to=20 retract much of what he said.

He has also been stoutly = defended on=20 freedom-of-speech grounds by his colleague Alan Dershowitz. But = since Prof=20 Dershowitz has previously chosen to pick up his cudgels for Claus = von=20 Bulow, OJ Simpson and colleagues at Harvard who archive hard porn = on their=20 university computers, his support, for all its legal acuity, may = not have=20 helped.

Some contrarian biologists have weighed in on Mr = Summers'=20 side, arguing that there may well be "intrinsic" cognitive = differences=20 between the sexes. But the evidence is, apparently, hotly = contested. And=20 most of the research, judging by newspaper reports, seems to have = been=20 undertaken by men.

Few in this angry debate have looked at = actual=20 educational evidence. Take, for example, the California Institute = of=20 Technology. One of the world's top scientific institutions, = Caltech was=20 founded on the site of the Throop Polytechnic Institute, in the = early=20 decades of the 20th century - at a period when American science = was=20 bravely setting out to take on the world leaders, Germany and = Britain.=20

Throop, a vocational school, was progressive and = co-educational.=20 Technology for them was gender neutral. Caltech's founding fathers = (notably George Ellery Hale) thought differently. They set out to=20 establish an all-male scientific community. The future of science = and=20 technology was American - and it wore trousers. Hale, a visionary = man in=20 other areas, seems not to have had any prejudices about "intrinsic = aptitude". He merely felt women were a disturbing presence. He and = his=20 senior colleagues were particularly nervous about "militant = suffragettes"=20 who were making men's lives hell in London. On being told, in = 1911, that=20 his "school" had finally been purged of women, Hale rejoiced. =

Was=20 he right? Would Caltech have thrived, as magnificently as it did, = had it=20 not taken a step backwards into segregation? Would it have = garnered as=20 many Nobel prizes had it continued Throop's progressive = co-educational=20 policies? Would women have taken an equal place at the forefront = of=20 scientific research?

Whatever the answer to those = questions for 60=20 years Caltech was as all-male as a medieval monastery. Under = Robert=20 Millikan, its most famous president, the school's exclusiveness = extended=20 beyond gender. Notoriously Millikan vetoed the appointment of one, = otherwise impeccably qualified candidate, on the grounds that = Caltech=20 already had its quota of "Jewish physicists". It was not, of = course, that=20 Jews lacked "intrinsic aptitude" for other scientific disciplines. =

Caltech's gender segregation came under pressure with the = 1972=20 Civil Rights Act and the feminist agitation leading up to it. The=20 institute had admitted its first "freshman women" in 1970. =

The=20 pioneering women doubtless had a hard and rather lonely time of = it. It was=20 not until the early 1980s that strenuous ("affirmative") efforts = were made=20 to recruit a sizeable cohort of women undergraduates. It was not = easy=20 since even to qualify for entry applicants needed to score = sky-high on the=20 maths SATs. But the will was there and Caltech invested heavily in = the=20 most resourceful admissions personnel money could buy. They built = the=20 level playing field and the women came.

I'm not a = scientist, but I=20 have been a permanent and latterly visiting member of Caltech's = academic=20 community for a quarter of a century. In my classes (literature = classes)=20 in the early 1980s all male enrolments were usual. And very dreary = discussing Jane Austen was. Now in humanities courses it's = routinely=20 50/50.

It's easy enough to be "affirmative" about = undergraduate=20 entrance, but impossible, in a competitive scientific institution = like=20 Caltech's, to skew the output. You can't adjust grades or = graduation=20 standards. In recent years a third of all undergraduates admitted = to=20 Caltech are women and, on average, around 85 per cent graduate. = The=20 graduation rate is exactly the same for men. Women, that is, hold = their=20 own, and at equivalent levels of achievement, in the most = demanding=20 science education course in America. QED.

There are in = science and=20 literature many factors making for variations in performance (is = English=20 the first language? How well were they taught the subject in high = school?=20 How interested are they?). But gender isn't, as I observe it, one = of those=20 factors.

Educational reforms take decades to come through = the=20 pipeline. There are other long pipelines. Until recently, although = the=20 undergraduate population had a large Asian or Asian American = enrolment,=20 that ethnic group wasn't proportionally represented at the faculty = level.=20 These things, it is argued, take time. Or, possibly, there is a = problem=20 here that needs to fixed. It can be. If Caltech, through its = sibling=20 institution JPL, can put satellites into outer space it can = certainly put=20 women in the senior common room.

I wouldn't dignify these=20 observations with Mr Summers' word "data". There may well be = social and=20 institutional hurdles - particularly at the professional level. = But when=20 he talks about "intrinsic aptitude" the president of Harvard is = wrong.=20 Plain wrong.- Dawn/Guardian Service

Please Visit our Sponsor = (Ads open in=20 separate window)

=A9 The=20 DAWN Group of Newspapers,=20 2005

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