Bookshelf
A Close Look
At the Newest Newcomers
By JAGDISH BHAGWATI
The U.S., George Borjas observes, is
"heaven's door," through which much of the world's humanity
wishes to pass. Mr. Borjas would like to man that door, waving through
the most virtuous petitioners and, no less important to him, minding
heaven's capacity at the same time.
But frankly, he lacks the qualifications for the job. For one thing,
he does not appreciate fully one characteristic of American
exceptionalism: that we are a nation of immigrants. However shopworn the
phrase may be, it is also a defining principle of American identity.
Even when we are inclined to surrender in times of distress to mean
impulses, moving to close "heaven's door" or to serve our own
economic ends in narrow (and often counterproductive) ways, Americans
never seem to lose their innate empathy for the immigrants who seek to
join them.
No less important, Mr. Borjas advances economic arguments that are
critically flawed -- on current evidence -- making his qualifications as
a gatekeeper even more dubious.
Mr. Borjas's principal thesis is this: Thanks to the 1965 Immigration
Act, which shifted the national origins of legal immigrants toward poor
countries, we have been attracting immigrants who are increasingly
unskilled. Through wage reductions, this new population is producing a
massive shift in income distribution away from unskilled native workers.
What is more, the assimilation rate of these new poor-country
immigrants -- and hence the rate of improvement in their incomes -- is
slower than that of earlier immigrants, adding to ghettoization and
ethnic friction. National interest thus requires that we undo the damage
of the 1965 act and turn to a point system, like Canada's, which would
give people more qualifying points for entry if they are skilled.
Luckily, Mr. Borjas's alarmist analysis, presented at length in "Heaven's
Door," is less than persuasive. Take the crucial question of
skills. In earlier writings, Mr. Borjas had virtually asserted that the
absolute skill levels of legal immigrants had declined since the 1965
act; he was promptly refuted, convincingly in my view, by the late
Julian Simon, who showed, in a co-authored paper, that the immigrant
education levels at entry had in fact risen from the 1960s through the
early 1990s.
Now Mr. Borjas has retreated to arguing for only a relative
decline in the skills of immigrants -- relative, that is, to the skills
of native workers. Here, a devastating blow has just been dealt by three
well-known immigration experts: Guillermina Jasso, Mark Rosenzweig and
James Smith. They have used INS (instead of Census) data to show that
the absolute skill levels of immigrants have exceeded those of natives
for much of the period 1972-95 and that the relative skill levels of
immigrants have also risen since the mid-1980s.
Mr. Borjas's larger economic claim, that immigration drives down
wages, does not survive scrutiny either. Most reputable labor
economists, in fact, have long puzzled over the minuscule effect
on wages of even large-scale immigration (if there is any effect at all,
which is debatable). We now have an explanation.
Added workers can be absorbed in two ways. Either wages decline so
that every cost-conscious producer increases the labor-intensity of
production, substituting labor for capital and adding workers. Or, in an
optimistic scenario, extra workers are absorbed without such a
substitution. Economists call this scenario the "output-mix
effect." Insofar as it operates, wage decline is avoided or, at the
very least, moderated. As it happens, the economists Gordon Hanson and
Matthew Slaughter have recently demonstrated that significant output-mix
changes, favoring labor-using activities, have been associated with
increased immigration. Thus wages are not driven down as Mr. Borjas
suggests.
Mr. Borjas's assertions about ethnic ghettos, in another part of
"Heaven's Door," seem compelling until one notices that his
view is terribly static. It was perhaps inevitable that, as the American
population diversified to include more non-English-speaking
non-Europeans, new immigrants would turn to one another more than
previous immigrant generations had. But this "ghettoization"
has also been encouraged by the ideology of liberal multiculturalism,
which has produced (along with some positive effects on the core college
curriculum) misguided programs, like bilingual education.
Already, though, a counter-response is evident. Last year, Hispanic
parents in California overwhelmingly supported Proposition 227, which
brought bilingual education in that state to an end. As Hispanics grow
in numbers, and become politically more active, their perceptions of
American possibilities will sharpen, increasing their resolve to join
the mainstream. In short, economically motivated assimilation will
reassert itself.
Not surprisingly, Mr. Borjas, who teaches at Harvard's Kennedy
School, has become a kind of beacon to anti-immigrationists, especially
in certain precincts of the Republican Party. Alas, since he plays the
"our-poor-get-hurt" tune, he has now begun to seduce liberal
Democrats as well. This is a pity. If we are to revise our legal
immigration policies yet again, it is important that the charges leveled
at them are based on robust empirical arguments. Mr. Borjas's claims,
I'm afraid, do not meet that test.

Mr. Bhagwati is a professor of economics at Columbia
University. His most recent book is "A Stream of Windows:
Unsettling Reflections on Trade, Immigration, and Democracy" (MIT
Press).