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HIGH-STAKES
TESTING
Lessons from Chicago
Brian Jacob, Taubman Center
Faculty Affiliate
In January 2002, President Bush signed the No Child
Left Behind Act, ushering in a new era of accountability in education.
The federal legislation is the latest development in the movement
for test-based accountability in education, often referred to as
high-stakes testing. Proponents of these efforts argue that linking
student promotion as well as teacher salaries and employment to
test scores will boost effort and performance. Opponents counter
that linking incentives to performance on standardized tests may
unfairly penalize certain students, and will turn educators away
from teaching skills that the accountability exam does not test
directly.
The Chicago public school system, which in 1996 became
the nations first large urban school district to implement
high-stakes testing, offers both hopeful and cautionary suggestions
about what high-stakes testing is likely to accomplish. Students
in the third, sixth, and eighth grades had to meet predetermined
standards on the reading and math sections of the Iowa Test of Basic
Skills. Students who did not meet the standards had to attend summer
school and then retake the exam. Students who did not pass the exam
at the end of the summer had to repeat the grade.
The Chicago school system also placed low-performing
schools those where fewer than 15 percent of students scored
at or above national norms in reading on academic probation.
Those schools received additional resources and technical support,
largely aimed at improving classroom instruction and school management.
Probation schools that did not show enough improvement were subject
to reconstitution.
Since the program began, test scores along with other
data and surveys, indicate that these policies have had mixed impacts
and suggest five lessons for those designing new high-stakes testing
programs.
Lesson One: Students and teachers respond to incentives.
Student achievement on the Iowa Test of Basic Skills rose sharply
following the introduction of the accountability policy, with students
scoring at levels suggesting they were three to five months ahead
of where similar students in those classes had been before the onset
of high-stakes testing.
Lesson Two: Students and teachers respond strategically
to incentives. After the introduction of high-stakes testing,
math and reading scores rose relative to scores on low-stakes exams
such as science and social studies. The proportion of students excluded
from testing because they were in special education or for other
reasons increased, however. Also, the accountability policy had
little effect on performance on the state-administered Illinois
Goals Assessment Program, which was not linked, like the Iowa Test
of Basic Skills, to serious consequences.
Lesson Three: Supplemental support can help at-risk
students meet higher standards. A key feature of the Chicago
policy was its attempt to support at-risk students. The summer program
offered select teachers, relatively small classes, a highly structured
curriculum, and four to five hours of instruction per day in math
and reading. Students who attended the program made substantial
gains, with many promoted to the next grade.
Lesson Four: Test-based accountability does not
necessarily change core classroom practice. Observers have long
noted that core instructional practices in schools are remarkably
resistant to change, even in the face of powerful reform movements.
Accountability is no exception. While one researcher documented
several ways that teachers responded strategically to high-stakes
testing in Chicago, she also found that the policy had little if
any effect on the mix of didactic versus interactive instruction
practiced in classrooms. Researchers also found that the resources,
teacher training, and technical support associated with probation
had no significant effect on either reading or math scores.
Lesson Five: Test security is important. As
the consequences of test scores rise for students as well as teachers,
so do the incentives to cheat. Documented cases in which teachers
and administrators intentionally manipulated student exams have
recently occurred in California, Massachusetts, New York, and Texas.
In Chicago, unexpected test score fluctuations and suspicious patterns
of answers from students in the same classroom strongly suggest
that roughly 1 to 2 percent of teachers cheated during the years
1993 to 2000, and that instances of such cheating rose 40 to 50
percent following the introduction of the accountability policy.
While the number of cheating classrooms is low, this trend is disturbing,
especially considering the relatively minor incentives that teachers
faced in Chicago.
These results suggest that test-based accountability
must be approached with caution. On the one hand, survey and interview
data indicate that many elementary students and teachers are working
harder, particularly in the lowest-performing schools. Classroom
pacing and opportunity to learn appear to have accelerated as well.
Students, finally, report their parents are more involved in their
schoolwork, and that their teachers are taking greater interest
in their learning. On the other hand, the differential achievement
trends on city and state tests suggest that test-day motivation,
preparation, or cheating may have driven at least part of the gains
on the former test, and therefore may not reflect greater student
comprehension of mathematics and reading.
The Chicago experience illustrates the complexity
of school reform, including the shortcomings of standardized measures
of achievement, the difficulty of monitoring teacher and student
behavior, and the importance of student and school capacity in responding
to policy initiatives. Educators must carefully examine the incentives
high-stakes accountability generates to ensure that they foster
long-term student learning rather than simply raising short-term
scores on specific tests.
The information from this paper is drawn from several
articles available at www.ksg.harvard.edu/faculty/brian_jacob.

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